Tag: Money

Forms of Money, How They are Stored, How They Move

While exploring the impact of stablecoins on the future of money, I have found that public discussion of digital money often tends to conflate three things that are analytically distinct: the monetary instrument itself, the form in which it is stored or represented, and the infrastructure used to move it between parties. I believe that separating them assists understanding what is genuinely new about stablecoins and tokenised deposits, what is merely a change of form or rail, and where the real regulatory and systemic questions lie.

The three questions are: 

• what is the money (the underlying claim and who stands behind it)? 

• how is it held (the representation or storage form)? and 

• how does it move (the payment rail or transmission infrastructure)? 

Each has a different answer for central bank money, bank deposits, and fiat-backed stablecoins — and the differences matter at each level independently.

The Monetary Instrument

The monetary instrument is the underlying claim: i.e. the asset you actually own when you hold money. For central bank money, this is the liability of the central bank — a claim on the state that is backstopped by the sovereign’s taxing power and the central bank’s capacity to create reserves. For commercial bank deposits, it is a claim on an individual bank, convertible at par into central bank money on demand, and backstopped by deposit insurance, banking regulation, and lender-of-last-resort facilities. For a fiat-backed stablecoin, it is a claim on the issuer, redeemable for the reference fiat currency, and backstopped only by the reserve assets held and the legal framework governing redemption.

The monetary instrument is defined by who is liable (central bank, commercial bank, or stablecoin issuer), what backs that liability (sovereign authority, deposit insurance and capital, or reserve assets), and what rights the holder has (redemption at par, deposit insurance coverage, bankruptcy priority).

These are properties of the instrument regardless of how it is stored or how it is transmitted. A bank deposit is the same instrument whether it is accessed via a cheque book, a debit card, an online banking portal, or a tokenised deposit on a blockchain. The underlying claim — and its legal, regulatory, and credit characteristics — does not change because the representation changes.

The Representation and Storage Form

The representation form is how the monetary instrument is recorded, held, and evidenced. This is the dimension most directly affected by digitisation. Historically, representation forms have included: physical notes and coins (bearer instruments, value in the object); entries in a bank’s paper or electronic ledger (account-based, value in the record); and book entries in a central bank’s reserve account system (account-based, institutional access only).

Tokenisation is a change of representation form, not of monetary instrument. A tokenised deposit is the same bank deposit claim represented as a programmable token on a distributed ledger rather than as an entry in the bank’s conventional core banking system. The EBA (December 2024) is explicit on this point for EU law: a tokenised deposit remains a deposit for all legal and regulatory purposes.

The token is the envelope; the deposit is the contents. Similarly, a fiat-backed stablecoin token is the representation of a claim on the issuer — the token itself is not the money, it is the bearer instrument evidencing the money claim.

The representation form matters because it determines: programmability (can conditional logic be embedded?); composability (can the instrument interact with other on-chain instruments without conversion?); and bearer versus account-based character (does transfer require identity verification, or does possession of the token suffice?).

But changes in representation form do not, by themselves, change the nature of the underlying monetary claim or its regulatory treatment — though they may reveal that the regulatory framework was not designed with that representation in mind, creating classification gaps.

The Payment Rail

The payment rail is the infrastructure used to transmit value between parties: the pipes, protocols, and settlement systems through which money moves. The rail is analytically independent of both the instrument and its representation form. The same bank deposit can be transmitted via SWIFT (correspondent banking), Faster Payments (domestic push), RTGS (large-value settlement), a debit card network (Visa/Mastercard acquiring infrastructure), or a mobile payment app (M-Pesa, Venmo). The instrument does not change; the rail does.

For stablecoins, the blockchain is the payment rail. Solana, Ethereum, Tron, and Base are rails — infrastructure choices that determine transaction speed, cost, finality, programmability, and geographic accessibility. A USDC token on Solana and a USDC token on Ethereum represent the same underlying claim on Circle (the issuer) but travel on different rails with different properties. The rail choice affects the user experience and operational risk profile of a payment, but does not change what the USDC token is: a claim on Circle’s reserve pool, redeemable 1:1 for US dollars.

Some implications

The conflation of rail and instrument is I believe the source of several analytical errors that appear in policy discussions. When commentators argue that stablecoins are ‘just a payment method’, they are (correctly) identifying that the blockchain is a rail, but they may also be (incorrectly) implying that this makes the stablecoin token equivalent to a bank deposit. Comparisons of stablecoin transactions with credit card payments are I think equally problematic. It is rare in my experience to see much discussion of how fast payment systems stack up against stablecoins in terms of cost and speed. The added cost and complexity of the on/off ramps with the traditional banking system may also be missing.

The rail properties of a blockchain — open access, programmability, pseudo-anonymous transfer, irreversible finality — are genuine and consequential differences from RTGS or card networks. But there are significant differences between a stablecoin and a bank deposit at the instrument-level: who is liable, what backs the claim, whether deposit insurance applies, and whether settlement occurs in central bank money.  

A further rail-level property requires explicit treatment: settlement finality on public blockchains is probabilistic, not absolute. On proof-of-work networks, finality accumulates over multiple block confirmations; on proof-of-stake networks such as Ethereum, economic finality is reached after two checkpoint epochs (approximately 12–15 minutes), though transactions may be practically irreversible within one or two blocks in most conditions. Solana’s optimistic confirmation model offers near-instant practical finality but with a technically distinct guarantee than Ethereum’s checkpoint-based economic finality. This contrasts with RTGS systems (Fedwire, TARGET2, CHAPS) where settlement is legally final and irrevocable the moment it is posted to the central bank’s books. 

The finality distinction has direct institutional adoption implications: settlement finality is a legal and operational requirement for securities settlement (Delivery vs. Payment), large-value interbank transactions, and any use case governed by the EU’s Settlement Finality Directive or equivalent. A public blockchain rail that cannot offer the same finality guarantee as an RTGS system is not a direct substitute for those use cases until either the regulatory framework recognises on-chain finality as legally equivalent, or wholesale CBDC rails provide a bridge between blockchain settlement and central bank money finality.

I suspect that I am only scratching the surface of this topic and I am straying way outside my area of expertise so treat the above with caution. I am writing it down to clarify for myself the extent to which I have an understanding of the topic.

Feedback welcome on anything I have wrong or that I am missing

Tony – From the Outside

Moneyness: Trump-proofing Canada means ditching MasterCard and Visa

I am a banking nerd I fear but the mechanics of payment systems is actually more interesting and important than I think is widely understood. I for one am regularly learning new insights on how the payment systems we take for granted actually works.

— Read on http://www.moneyness.ca/2025/03/trump-proofing-canada-means-ditching.html

Tony – From the Outside

Moneyness – it’s complicated

… arguably too complicated.

Interesting post here by JP Koning exploring the differences between the way PayPal’s two forms of payment mechanisms are regulated. His conclusion might surprise you.

Here is a link to his post

jpkoning.blogspot.com/2023/09/there-are-now-two-types-of-paypal.html

This is the short version if you are time poor

Which type of PayPal dollar is safer for the public to use? If you listen to Congresswoman Maxine Waters, who in response to PayPal’s announcement fretted that PayPal’s crypto-based dollars would not able to “guarantee consumer protections,” you’d assume the traditional non-crypto version is the safer one. And I think that fits with most peoples’ preconceptions of crypto. Not so, oddly enough. It’s the PayPal dollars hosted on crypto databases that are the safer of the two, if not along every dimension, at least in terms of the degree to which customers are protected by: 1) the quality of underlying assets; 2) their seniority (or ranking relative to other creditors); and 3) transparency.

Let me know what I (and JP) might be missing

Tony – From the Outside

The stablecoin business model

JP Koning offers an interesting post here speculating on the reason why Wise can pay interest to its USD users but USDC can or does not. The extract below captures his main argument …

It’s possible that some USDC users might be willing to give up their ID in order to receive the interest and protection from Circle’s bank. But that would interfere with the usefulness of USDC. One reason why USDC is popular is because it can be plugged into various pseudonymous financial machines (like Uniswap or Curve). If a user chooses to collect interest from an underlying bank, that means giving up the ability to put their USDC into these machines.

This may represent a permanent stablecoin tradeoff. Users of stablecoins such as USDC can get either native interest or no-ID services from financial machines, but they can’t get both no-ID services and interest.

Let me know what I am missing

Tony – From the Outside

Moneyness: Let’s stop regulating crypto exchanges like Western Union

J.P. Koning offers an interesting contribution to the crypto regulation debate focussing on the problem with using money transmitter licences to manage businesses which are very different to the ones the framework was designed for …

The collapse of cryptocurrency exchange FTX has been gut-wrenching for its customers, not only those who used its flagship offshore exchange in the Bahamas but also U.S. customers of Chicago-based FTX US.

But there is a silver lining to the FTX debacle. It may put an end to the way that cryptocurrency exchanges are regulated – or, more accurately, misregulated – in the U.S.

U.S.-based cryptocurrency exchanges including Coinbase, FTX US, and Bianca.US are overseen on a state-by-state basis as money transmitters.

— Read on jpkoning.blogspot.com/2022/11/lets-stop-regulating-crypto-exchanges.html

Tony – From the Outside

Crypto and credit creation

Matt Levine (“Money Stuff”) neatly captured one of the defining features of the cryptocurrency purist vision for their alternative financial system when he wrote “The basic philosophical difference between the traditional financial system and the cryptocurrency system is that traditional finance is about the extension of credit, and crypto is not”. He acknowledged that this is an exaggeration but argued that it did contain an essential truth about the two systems.

A recent opinion piece by Nic Carter offers another perspective on this philosophical difference arguing that Bitcoin needs to move past this concern with credit creation if it is to have a future. I am a Bitcoin sceptic but I do think Nic offers an interesting (pro Bitcoin) perspective on the problem that Bitcoin maximalists believe they are solving.

Here are a couple of quotes that give you a flavour of Nic’s argument…

Bitcoiners attacking lending institutions are undermining their own interests. Many adherents to the Bitcoin maximalist doctrine maintain a curious disdain for credit. They often follow a Rothbardian ideal, believing fractional reserve banking to be “fraud,” even though the idealized “full reserve banking” generally never emerges in free market conditions.

Maximalists interested in a better managed credit sector won’t achieve anything by bleating to each other about the dangers of crypto lenders. If everything is a scam to them, their warnings contain no information. They cannot extinguish the demand for credit or yield – and entrepreneurs will always emerge to fill this need.

Instead, they should start their own financial institutions, using bitcoin as a neo-gold with superior collateral qualities and setting reasonable underwriting standards. It is a mistake to view bitcoin’s success as trade-off against the creation of credit. Its future depends on it.

I remain unconvinced by the Bitcoin argument but Nic’s defence of the importance of credit creation is I think a reminder that, whatever form the future of finance takes, elasticity of credit will probably be part of that future.

Tony – From the Outside

Where do bank deposits come from …

This is one of the more technical (and misundersood) aspects of banking but also a basic fact about money creation in the modern economy that I think is useful to understand. For the uninitiated, bank deposits are typically the largest form of money in a modern economy with a well developed financial system.

One of the better explanations I have encountered is a paper titled “Money creation in the modern economy” that was published in the Bank of England’s Quarterly Bulletin in Q1 2014. You can find the full paper here but I have copied some extracts below that will give you the basic idea …

In the modern economy, most money takes the form of bank deposits.  But how those bank deposits are created is often misunderstood:  the principal way is through commercial banks making loans.  Whenever a bank makes a loan, it simultaneously creates a matching deposit in the borrower’s bank account, thereby creating new money.

The reality of how money is created today differs from the description found in some economics textbooks:

Rather than banks receiving deposits when households save and then lending them out, bank lending creates deposits.  In normal times, the central bank does not fix the amount of money in circulation, nor is central bank money ‘multiplied up’ into more loans and deposits.

Although commercial banks create money through lending, they cannot do so freely without limit.  Banks are limited in how much they can lend if they are to remain profitable in a competitive banking system.  Prudential regulation also acts as a constraint on banks’ activities in order to maintain the resilience of the financial system.  And the households and companies who receive the money created by new lending may take actions that affect the stock of money — they could quickly ‘destroy’ money by using it to repay their existing debt, for instance.

Money creation in the modern economy, Michale McLeay, Amar Radia and Ryland Thomas, Bank of England Quarterly Bulletin 2014 Q1

The power to create money is of course something akin to magic and the rise of stablecoins has revived a long standing debate about the extent to which market discipline alone is sufficient to ensure sound money. My personal bias (forged by four decades working in the Australian banking system) leans to the view that money creation is not something which banker’s can be trusted to discharge without some kind of supervision/constraints. The paper sets out a nice summary of the ways in which this power is constrained in the conventional banking system …

In the modern economy there are three main sets of constraints that restrict the amount of money that banks can create.

(i) Banks themselves face limits on how much they can lend.  In particular:

– Market forces constrain lending because individual banks have to be able to lend profitably in a competitive market.

– Lending is also constrained because banks have to take steps to mitigate the risks associated with making additional loans.

– Regulatory policy acts as a constraint on banks’ activities in order to mitigate a build-up of risks that could pose a threat to the stability of the financial system.

(ii) Money creation is also constrained by the behaviour of the money holders — households and businesses. Households and companies who receive the newly created money might respond by undertaking transactions that immediately destroy it, for example by repaying outstanding loans.

(iii) The ultimate constraint on money creation is monetary policy. By influencing the level of interest rates in the economy, the Bank of England’s monetary policy affects how much households and companies want to borrow. This occurs both directly, through influencing the loan rates charged by banks, but also indirectly through the overall effect of monetary policy on economic activity in the economy.  As a result, the Bank of England is able to ensure that money growth is consistent with its objective of low and stable inflation.

The confidence in the central bank’s ability to pursue its inflation objective possibly reflects a simpler time when the inflation problem was deemed solved but the paper is still my goto frame of reference when I am trying to understand how the banking system creates money.

If you want to dive a bit deeper into this particular branch of the dark arts, some researchers working at the US Federal Reserve recently published a short note titled “Understanding Bank Deposit Growth during the COVID-19 Pandemic” that documents work undertaken to try to better understand the rapid and sustained growth in aggregate bank deposits between 2020 and 2021. Frances Coppola also published an interesting post on her blog that argues that banks not only create money when they lend but also when they spend it. You can find the original post by Frances here and my take on it here.

A special shout out to anyone who has read this far. My friends and family think I spend too much time thinking about this stuff so it is nice to know that I am not alone.

Tony – From the Outside

Adam Tooze wants everyone to read “The Currency of Politics” by Stefan Eich

I have only just started reading the book myself but the outline that Adam Tooze offers suggests to me that it has a lot to say on an important topic.

At this stage I will have to quote the author for a sense of what this book is about ..

The Currency of Politics is about the layers of past monetary crises that continue to shape our idea of what money is and what it can do politically. Grappling with past crises helped previous theorists to escape the blindspots of their own time. We must do the same today.

This seems like a pretty worthwhile endeavour to me so I thought it was worth sharing for anyone else engaged in trying to make sense of the role that money (and banking) does and should play in our society.

Tony – From the Outside

Luke Gromen, Bretton Woods 1 & 2 and what comes next

If you have not listened to it already then I can highly recommend this podcast in which Grant Williams interviews Luke Gromen. The podcast covers a lot of ground but the primary focus is the role of the USD in the international financial system in the aftermath of the sanctions imposed on Russia in response to its invasion of Ukraine. I have an understanding of pieces of the puzzle but this interview put them together in ways that I had not fully grasped or seen before.

It is far from clear what comes next for the international financial system in general and the USD in particular. The much discussed demise of the USD may be too apocalyptic but it seems reasonably certain that the status quo is going to change – here is a short summary of some of what the interview offers:

  • The first 20, minutes offers a short history of the Bretton Woods arrangements that have defined international finance since the late 1940s including the transition from a system based on the USD being based on gold (Bretton Woods 1) to a system where the USD is based on oil (Bretton Woods 2)
  • They discuss how the current regime (“keeping the dollar as good as gold for oil”) is breaking down, analogous to the way the gold foundation broke down in the early 1970s
  • John Maynard Keynes gets an honourable mention for his “bancor” reserve currency proposal which was not adopted but might be worth revisiting (nice historical anecdote that the Governor of the Bank of China suggested this in March 2009)
  • The USD’s role as an international reserve currency has been described as an “exorbitant privilege” but Gromen argues that the arrangement has also come at a cost via the role it has played in the loss of US domestic manufacturing capacity (Triffin’s Dilemma).
  • The consequences of this trade off has come under greater attention post the GFC, initially as the social consequences of lost jobs started to impact domestic politics, and more recently as globalised just in time supply chains struggled to respond to the economic shocks created by the response to Covid 19
  • Gromen argues that the USD Department of Defence has wanted to see repatriation of the US industrial base for some time and hence will be happy to see a decline in the USD’s role as an internal reserve currency because they believe it will enhance national security
  • Interestingly he argues that it would have looked like weakness for that to happen as a consequence of pressure from China and Russia but can now be presented as a sign of strength, of standing up to Russia (“we showed those Russians”)
  • They also discuss what this means for the price of gold

Hopefully I have done a decent job of capturing the key themes but there is a lot here and some may have been lost in my translation so by all means listen yourself. Personally I need to do a bit more research to better understand the references in the interview to the “Triffin Dilemma” and to Keynes’ “bancor” proposal.

Tony – From the Outside

The elasticity of credit

One of the arguments for buying Bitcoin is that, in contrast to fiat currencies that are at mercy of the Central Bank money printer, its value is underpinned by the fixed and immutable supply of coins built into the code. Some cryptocurrencies take this a step further by engineering a systematic burning of their coin.

I worry about inflation as much as the next person, perhaps more so since I am old enough to have actually lived in an inflationary time. I think a fixed or shrinking supply is great for an asset class but it is less obvious that it is a desirable feature of a money system.

Crypto true believers have probably stopped reading at this point but to understand why a fixed supply might be problematic I can recommend a short speech by Claudio Borio. The speech dates back to 2018 but I think it continues to offer a useful perspective on the value of an elastic money supply alongside broader comments about the nature of money and its role in the economy.

Borio was at the time the Head of the BIS Monetary and Economic Department but the views expressed were his personal perspective covering points that he believed to be well known and generally accepted, alongside others more speculative and controversial.

I did a post back in March 2019 that offers an overview of the speech but recently encountered a post by J.W. Mason which reminded me how useful and insightful it was.

The specific insight I want to focus on here is the extent to which a well functioning monetary system relies on the capacity of credit extended in the system to expand and contract in response to both short term settlement demands and the longer term demands driven by economic growth.

One of the major challenges with the insight Borio offers is that most of us find the idea that money is really just a highly developed form of debt to be deeply unsatisfying if not outright scary. Borio explicitly highlights “the risk of overestimating the distinction between credit (debt) and money” arguing that “…we can think of money as an especially trustworthy type of debt”

Put differently, we can think of money as an especially trustworthy type of debt. In the case of bank deposits, trust is supported by central bank liquidity, including as lender of last resort, by the regulatory and supervisory framework and varieties of deposit insurance; in that of central bank reserves and cash, by the sovereign’s power to tax; and in both cases, by legal arrangements, way beyond legal tender laws, and enshrined in market practice.

Borio: Page 9

I did a post here that explains in more detail an Australian perspective on the process by which unsecured loans to highly leveraged companies (aka “bank deposits”) are transformed into (mostly) risk free assets that represent the bulk of what we use as money.

Borio outlines how the central banks’ elastic supply of the means of payment is essential to ensure that (i) transactions are settled in the interbank market and (ii) the interest rate is controlled …

“To smooth out interbank settlement, the provision of central bank credit is key. The need for an elastic supply to settle transactions is most visible in the huge amounts of intraday credit central banks supply to support real-time gross settlement systems – a key way of managing risks in those systems (Borio (1995)).”

Borio: Page 5

… but also recognises the problem with too much elasticity

While the elasticity of money creation oils the wheels of the payment system on a day to day basis, it can be problematic over long run scenarios where too much elasticity can lead to financial instability. Some degree of elasticity is important to keep the wheels of the economy turning but too much can be a problem because the marginal credit growth starts to be used for less productive or outright speculative investment.

This is a big topic which means there is a risk that I am missing something. That said, the value of an elastic supply of credit looks to me like a key insight to understanding how a well functioning monetary system should be designed.

The speech covers a lot more ground than this and is well worth reading together with the post by J.W. Mason I referenced above which steps through the insights. Don’t just take my word for it, Mason introduces his assessment with the statement that he was “…not sure when I last saw such a high density of insight-per-word in a discussion of money and finance, let alone in a speech by a central banker”.

Tony – From the Outside